Analysis: Trump’s many defenses, explained
It was simple and it was quick. Here is their argument:
Political Speech Defense. His original emphasis was that Trump was completely wrong. He did not tell his supporters before literally “fighting” on Capitol Hill that they turned into a crowd that sacked the Senate. He meant that he should be a fighter in the political sense of the word and should challenge the Republicans in the primary. (Don’t think that Republican senators in the chamber didn’t hear that word – primary – and shudder.)
Free speech defense. He detailed the importance of freedom of expression and argued that Trump’s words should be preserved. He cited several court cases, including Brandenburg v. Ohio, to argue that the legal limit for inciting Trump was not met, although it is not a legal proceeding.
Trump had nothing to do with violence. He argued, like Democrats, that the march was halted. But he argued that it was cited as an attack and not by criminals, but by evidence that a pipe bomb was planted on Capitol Hill before January 6.
They protect. The defense team focused deeply on Democratic senators in the Chamber and among the delegates who argued for the impeachment case, the video was seen using the word “fight” in political speech. But the rioters did not attack the Capitol after using the term Democrat.
Political audacious defense. Trump’s lawyers argued that the Democrats were not trying to defend the Constitution, but to rob American voters in future elections. (This argument has always confused me since Trump rejected the election results, trying to give voice to a large number of Americans to oppose them.)
What-about protect them. Without defending the rioters, the defense team argued that the riot in the Capitol was not unlike the violence that broke out after rallies over the summer for racial justice. Trump was powerful in rejecting that violence.
Outside context protecting. He played long hours of Trump’s remarks and speeches and argued that his words were broken by the managers of impeachment. It was somewhat of an effective line until the defense team played a video of Trump’s defenders in Charlottesville, which Robert E. Wanted to keep a statue of Lee. People were also killed in that incident.
He said that he had triggered a tweet that Calvary – a religious term – was coming, and not the cavalry – a military term – was coming.
Similarly, defense efforts to keep Trump away from the crowd and focus on moments where he half-heartedly asked that he should ignore literal love in peace and thank him as he raged through the Capitol Complex had shown.
He tried to defend Trump’s phone call with Georgia’s Republican secretary of state, arguing that they were not asking the official, Brad Raffensper, to search for votes, but to do more signature verification, which Trump Believed that it would get more votes. Him.
Constitutional Cancellation Culture. Here’s a defense from attorney Bruce Castor en route:
This test is about much more than President Trump. It is silent and the majority does not agree about the banning of speech.
It is about the cancellation of 75 million Trump voters and the criminalization of political attitudes. What exactly is this test about.
This is the only existential issue before us. It calls for the constitutional annulment culture to be handled in the United States Senate. Are we going to cancel and allow sanctions and allow silence?
Will this defense work? Yes, Trump will be acquitted in this.
“Many of these Republican senators are looking for, most of them, I would even say, a way to vote for the rescue and Dana Bash said on CNN after the loophole was over.”
But it could be a tough sell among a large body of Americans hoping to suspend common sense to agree with Trump’s defense.
Can one branch of government go to war with another?
My editor Alison Hoffman had the most important pivotal role I’ve seen:
The good news is, Trump and his lawyers had to throw rioters under the bus to do their rescue work.
The bad news is, it is either with eyelid, or it is the license for these violent, subversive and undemocratic elements to go further, without Trump. They will just coronate the system – in state capitals, on state and local election boards, on school boards.
And it doesn’t matter whether Trump is guilty or acquitted. This movement – whatever you want to call the Q and Proud Boys and the Oath Keepers and others – is now abroad everywhere in the country, and it should be met at every level above and below the government.
There were interesting questions from the censors. Mitt Romney, Susan Collins and Lisa Murkowski – Republicans who express the possibility of being convicted – when Trump knew the Capitol was in danger, exactly what he did to protect it, and whether he knew the Vice President. Threat to Mike Pence.
There were no good answers for those, as impeachment managers mostly relied on public records to pursue their case. Trump’s defense team has argued that the lack of intensive scrutiny is a problem in the case against the former president.
Where is the wind blowing
Ask Nikki Haley. Keep an eye on Republicans likely to run for president in 2024. Haley, a former South Carolina governor and US ambassador to the United Nations, would top anyone’s list.
First, about Trump:
“We need to accept that he let us down. He left a path he shouldn’t have, and we shouldn’t have followed him, and we shouldn’t have listened to him. And we never would Can not let it happen. ”
And this one about Trump’s political future:
“He’s not going for federal office again … I don’t think he’s going to be in the picture. I don’t think he can. He’s fallen so far.”
The interview comes just after House impeachment managers concluded their case in a Senate impeachment trial – a presentation by Trump with a long rash of resentment, victimization and hatred, which began on January 6 Is over – coincidence. (My general rule is that there are no coincidences in politics at this stage.)
This is the moment where Trump, of course, has been politically inferior. He is not out. But he is definitely down. And Haley is moving her to knock her out once and for all. (The student has become a master – and all that.) Haley knows that, within Republican Party Trump, he is one of the very few who can deliver that kind of knockout blow.
Paradoxical hot take. I agree with Silenzra that this is the space between Haley and Trump. I don’t think she has the ability to do much more than ride the wave here. He is a good politician. But she does not lead the Republican base movement. Trump does.