Biden’s Plan to Link Arms With Europe Against Russia and China Isn’t So Simple
WASHINGTON – Two weeks after the inauguration of President Biden, French President Emmanuel Macron spoke publicly about the importance of negotiations with Moscow, saying that Russia is a part of Europe that simply cannot be left and that Europe Must be strong enough to protect their interests.
A few weeks before the inauguration on 30 December, the European Union signed a significant investment agreement with China, a few days after which Tweet Said by Mr. Biden’s National Security Advisor, Jake Sullivan, for “preliminary consultations” with China with Europe and to caution against a speedy deal.
On Friday, Mr. Biden will address the Munich Security Conference, a gathering of leaders and diplomats from Europe and the United States, which he has attended for decades and which has helped to strengthen his reputation as a champion of trans-Atlantic solidarity. Has
Speaking at the conference two years ago, Mr. Biden damaged the Trump administration’s relationship between Washington and Europe’s major capitals once strengthened. “It will also pass,” Mr. Biden said. “We will return.” He promised that America would again “take up our responsibility of leadership.”
Mr. Biden’s remarks on Friday are sure to replicate that promise and highlight his identity so far Call for a more integrated western front Against the anti-democratic threats posed by Russia and China. In many ways such conversations are sure to be received by European leaders like a hot massage and four-year President Donald J. Opened by Trump’s business and often abusive diplomacy.
But if Mr. Biden by “leadership” means a return to traditional American perception – we decide and you follow – many Europeans feel the world is gone, And that Europe should not behave like America’s junior wingman in a quarrel defined by Washington.
Demonstration of EU trade deal with China, and talk of reconciliation to Moscow with leaders like Mr. Macron and Germany’s next chancellor, Armin Laskett, Europe has its interests And ideas about ways to manage America’s two main rivals, which would complicate Mr. Biden’s diplomacy.
Jeremy Shapiro, the research director of the European Council on Foreign Relations, said, “Biden is indicating a disgustingly hateful approach to Russia, warping it with China and defining a new global cold war against authoritarianism is.
Annoys many European leaders, Mr. Shapiro said. And other regional experts said they saw fewer signs of over-enthusiasm from the continent than from Biden administration officials.
“There was always a clear recognition that we just weren’t able to show up and say, ‘Hey, we’re back!’,” Said Andrea Kendall-Taylor, who was queuing up to become national security. Council director for Russia but who did not take the job due to personal reasons.
“But even with all of that, I think there was optimism that it seems easier than it seems to be going to be,” said Ms. Kendall-Taylor, the Transatlatic Security Program at the Center for New American Security. Director of.
Ulrich Speck, a senior visiting fellow at the German Marshall Fund in Berlin, said: “After Trump’s ties freeze, I expect more warming up. I’m not seeing it yet.”
Mr. Biden took a number of easy steps towards reconciliation and unity, including Europe, to re-incorporate the Paris Climate Agreement, emphasize multilateralism and human rights, and to resume the disruptive 2015 Iran nuclear deal.
But it will be more difficult to combine against Russia and China.
China may be a rival rival to the US, but it has long been an important trade partner for Europe, and while European leaders see Beijing as a systemic rival and competitor, they view it as a partner Too, and rarely see it as an enemy.
And Russia remains a nuclear-armed neighbor, though it is very rude, and has its own financial and emotional benefits.
Since Mr. Biden was in the White House during the Obama administration, in addition, Britain, historically America’s most trusted diplomatic partner, has left the European Union and now coordinates foreign policy less effectively with its continental allies. is.
“This sophisticated British view of the world is absent,” said Nichols Burns, former NATO Secretary of State and Ambassador to the George W. Bush administration. “I don’t think the United States is diplomatically and strategically linked with Europe yet,” he said.
This week’s security conference is not run by the German government, but Germany’s Chancellor Angela Merkel will address it with Mr Biden, Mr Macron and Prime Minister Boris Johnson. And Germany itself portrays some of the problems that the Biden administration will face in an effort to stop arms against Moscow.
Ms. Merkel’s ruling Christian Democratic Party has chosen Mr. Lesquet as the party’s leader, and she is likely to succeed him in the autumn election. But Mr. Lashet is more sympathetic to both Russia and China than Mr. Biden. He has expressed doubts over the extent of Russian political disintegration and cyberhock operations and has publicly criticized “anti-market Putin populism”. He has also been a strong supporter of Germany’s export-led economy, which is deeply dependent on China.
Germany still intends to operate the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, a 746-mile natural gas artery running under the Baltic Sea from northern Russia to Germany. The coupled pipelines are owned by Gazprom, which is owned by Russia itself. Work on the project ceased last year – with 94 percent of the pipe – after further restrictions on the project by the US Congress on the grounds that it helps fund the Kremlin, harm Ukraine and Russia to Europe. Gives the ability to manipulate the energy supply.
Last year, German politicians Reacted Threats of economic punishment by Republican US senators claiming “blackmail,” “economic warfare” and “neo-imperialism”. Many want the project to be completed, but on Tuesday the White House press secretary, Jane Saki, told reporters that Mr Biden opposes the pipeline project as a “bad deal” that divides Europe and that it is a result of Russian treacherous Makes it more vulnerable.
Despite the restrictions, Russian ships have renewed the laying pipes, and Ms. Merkel defends the project as a commercial venture, not a geopolitical statement. The Germans argue that the EU’s energy regulations and new pipeline configurations reduce Russian ability to manipulate supply and that Russia is more dependent on income than gas.
There are indications that, with the China deal, the Biden administration wants to negotiate a solution with Germany to overcome a major outcry with a key ally. If Moscow transfers the supply or halt charges of divers to Ukraine, some suggestions, snapback restrictions may be included.
In France, Mr Macron has long sought to develop more positive interactions with Mr Putin, but his efforts for a “reset” have gone nowhere. The head of the European Union’s foreign-policy, Josep Borel Fonteles, tried to do something similar this month with embarrassing results, when Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergei V. Lavrov humiliated him at a press conference and called the European Union “an incredible partner”.
The simultaneous assassination attempt and subsequent jailing of Russian opposition leader Alexei A. Navalny, Mr Borel’s treatment means Brussels is likely to add new sanctions on Russia, but will be more open, not before the end of March. Mr. Biden’s suggestion for a hard line.
Biden administration officials say it has never been easier to co-ordinate with the nomadic Europe and its leaders have restored American leadership – especially more clearly a Chinese threat to Europe than five years ago.
After seven years of tough negotiations, as in the China and Investment Agreement, European authorities have defended it as an effort for their companies to gain equal access to the Chinese market that American companies had given last year to Mr. Trump’s China Received through the deal.
“There is no reason for us to suffer from America’s unlevel sports sector,” Sabine Weyand, the EU’s director general for trade, said in a virtual forum in early February. “Why should we sit?”
Ms Weyand said the deal set high standards for Chinese trade practices, which would eventually make the United States and Europe “in a stronger position to have a more assertive policy on China simultaneously”.
However, the deal should be ratified by the European Parliament, which is significant for its failure to guarantee more labor rights, and a vote is unlikely to come by the end of this year. And, again, officials of the Biden administration are getting ready to move on, given the importance of cooperation with Europe over China.
“The deal could potentially complicate trans-Atlantic cooperation on China,” said Wendy Cutler, a former US trade negotiator and vice president of the Asia Society Policy Institute, “but I don’t think it’s going to cancel it.”
Michael Crowley reported from Washington and Steven Erlanger from Brussels. Ana Swanson contributed reporting from Washington.