Was the constitutional right to bear arms created to protect slavery?

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Opposition to arming blacks for military purposes continued. Only under the stress of war did General Andrew Jackson accept black troops in the War of 1812, and President Abraham Lincoln allowed union forces to engage blacks in the Civil War. Obtaining acceptance for armed blacks in the military proved to be even more difficult. Anderson describes how black soldiers were constantly maligned, harassed, and terrorized by fearful and angry whites. Justifying racially motivated violence during Reconstruction, a white Southerner remarked that “the sight of Negro soldiers shook our chests [ex-Confederate] Soldier with daring madness. “In 1906, the mayor of Brownsville, Texas, accused black soldiers of firing on the townspeople, killing one and injuring the other badly. Even though strong evidence underpins the allegations, President Theodore Roosevelt ordered his Secretary of War, William Howard Taft (future President and Chief Justice of the United States) to dishonor discharge on all 167 black soldiers without due process. Do it 1st Battalion, Twenty-fifth Infantry (colored). Eleven years later, following a dispute in Houston that claimed the lives of 16 whites, including five police officers and four black soldiers, “justice” was also blinded by racism as the authorities called 19 African-American soldiers Killed and imprisoned 54. other.

Anderson describes several episodes in which blacks were terrorized by a gun-toting mob, often with the support of local law enforcement officers, state National Guards, or federal troops. She also describes how blacks have been repeatedly incapacitated by officers from defending themselves, who show enthusiasm for gun owners’ rights when they are white, apathy when they are black, and outright hostility when they are black. Dissatisfied African-Americans tend to challenge racial status. . “Second” is written with poetry, illustrated with broad strokes and dotted with memorable anecdotes and vivid quotes.

However, Anderson’s account is desired in important respects. She argues unambiguously in the face of formidable scholarship on the contrary that the purpose of protecting slavery was the major motive behind the Second Amendment. She writes that the Second Amendment was “the result of” [James] Madison’s determination to overcome Patrick Henry’s obsession about Virginia’s vulnerability to slave revolts seduces enough anti-unionism to ratify the Constitution and crush the United States if slavery is not protected But suppresses the displayed desire of the South. The Second Amendment, she claims, “came into existence … steeped in anti-blackness, steeped in a desire to keep people of African descent as powerless and powerless, and yet another bone to keep the South calm. Was uprooted and prepared to remain in alliance with it. The grand experiment of the United States. “

Because the centrality of racism has often been obscured in American history, modifications linking racial realism are urgently needed. Casteism, however, is not for all its importance. In college Major influence in the affairs of the country. Akhil Reed Amar’s careful interpretation of the debate on the Second Amendment in “The Bill of Rights: Creation and Reconstruction” (1998) points to ideas that Anderson specifically noted as “deep concern about a potentially abusive Confederate army.” Points to Anderson does not completely ignore such concerns. She exacerbates a strong central government’s fear of “anti-union” as a factor in their calculations. But in his saying, the fear of blacks was the essential, major reason for the Second Amendment, a right “rooted in fear of black people, to deprive them of their rights, to prevent them from tasting freedom.” Such claims greatly enhance the role of race in the development of amendments.



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